Sources 3 and 4

    1. Baildon, E. A., Eagan R. S., Christ C. C.,  Lorenz T., Stoltenberg F. S.,  Gervais J. S., (2021). The Sexual Objectification and Alcohol Use Link: The Mediating Roles of Self-Objectification, Enjoyment of Sexualization, Body Shame, and Drinking Motives. Springer Nature. Sex Roles (2021) 85:190–204 https://doi.org/10.1007/s11199-020-01213-2
      1. Discusses the increases in women’s alcohol consumption and its link to  objectification. Women’s experiences of sexual objectification has led to an increase in alcoholism rates amongst women. With the mental stressors such as depression that come from sexual objectification, women have begun to turn to alcohol as a coping mechanism. Alcoholism, or rather practicing substance abuse, continues a harmful cycle on a woman’s mental and physical health. 
        1. This is important to this research because it provides an additional physical health impact of objectification—alcoholism. This helps to better understand the effects of objectification as it further depicts physical health issues that stem from the psychological stressors of being objectified. 
      2. Quotes 
        1. “Although drinking frequency and quantity are higher among men than women (White et al. 2015), the number of women who drink alcohol is increasing whereas the number of men who drink appears to be stable (Grant et al. 2017; Keyes et al. 2008; White et al. 2015).” p. 190
        2. “Physical differences in women’s body weight and body composition cause them to process alcohol differently than men, including absorbing alcohol more quickly (Ashley et al. 1977; Erol and Karpyak 2015), putting them at a higher risk of harmful consequences such as memory loss (i.e., blackout drinking). Additionally, heavy drinking has some problematic outcomes that uniquely and disproportionately affect women, including disrupted menstrual cycles and infertility (see Van Heertum and Rossi 2017 for review) as well as increasing risks for sexually transmitted infections (Hutton et al. 2008) and sexual victimization (Abbey 2002).” p. 190
          1. All these problems concerning sex will be emphasized on in this research and their correlation to a woman’s mental health — maybe 
            1. A whole cycle  
        3. “Although sexual objectification can manifest in extreme forms such as unwanted sexual advances (Kozee et al. 2007), the most typical and prevalent form of objectification is body evaluation, including objectifying gazes and commentary from others (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Kozee et al. 2007), which is the focus in the current investigation. Consistent with objectification theory, sexual objectification has been linked to higher incidence of mental illness, such as unipolar depression, eating disorders, and sexual dysfunction, by increasing self- objectification via women’s body monitoring and subsequent body shame (Fredrickson and Roberts 1997; Slater and Tiggemann 2002; Szymanski and Feltman 2014; Tolman et al. 2006; see Roberts et al. 2018, for recent review). p. 191 
          1. Use this to expand on adversarial sexual beliefs that stems from the media that push forth sexual objectification to the public, which leads to self objectification and adversarial sexual belief. Which then results in the above quote. 
        4. “research sug- gests that sexual objectification is also connected to another health-related outcome: substance use, including alcohol consumption (Carr and Szymanski 2011).” p. 191
        5. “First, Haikalis et al. (2015) found that sexual objectification and alcohol use were positively correlated and that objectification in the form of body evaluation mediated the relation between frequency of alcohol use and unwanted sexual advances. Further, they documented that the combined effect of body evaluation and unwanted sexual advances mediated the relation between women’s alcohol use and sexual victimization.”  p.191 
  • Women usually don’t eat before alcohol intake (p.191) 
        1. Alchol effects last longer this way, right? 
      2. “Carr and Szymanski [2011]  reasoned that women who experience “interpersonal [sexual objectification] may abuse substances as a method to cope with excess stress associated with these experiences and to numb their feeling of anger and/or hurt” (pp. 40–41). Consistent with this coping explanation, they found that objectification resulted in self-objectification, leading to body shame and related depression, resulting in substance abuse. In summary, previous re- search found a link between more sexual objectification and more alcohol use or food-restricted alcohol use, and Carr and Szymanski found evidence consistent with the idea that wom- en consume alcohol to counteract the negative emotional impact of sexual and self-objectification.” p. 191 
      3. “Alcohol use may serve multiple functions for women who are navigating a culture where their bodies are treated as objects for other’s consumption. Drinking alcohol is depicted in the media as being a means of gaining attention from potential sexual partners, feeling sexy or attractive, and renewing self-confidence (George et al. 1988). Alcohol use is also common in settings where objectification is likely to occur (Smolak et al. 2014; see also Haikalis et al. 2015).” p. 191 
        1. Like the club? 
      4. Will be focusing on the coping motive from both enjoyment of sexualization and body shame for drinking which results in increase in drinking frequency and quantity. (p. 192)
      5. “ Self-objectification is a well-established consequence of objectifying experiences (see Moradi and Huang 2008; Roberts et al. 2018) and occurs when women adopt the perspective of an outsider in order to “treat themselves as objects to be looked at and evaluated” (Fredrickson and Roberts 1997, p. 177, emphasis in the original). Self-objectification often manifests as body surveillance, which is described by McKinley and Hyde (1996, p. 183) as persistent self-monitoring in which women adopt the perspective of others to ensure that they “comply with culture body standards and avoid negative judgments.”  p. 192 
      6. “At other times women may enjoy men’s admiration of their bodies because it indicates that they have successfully achieved beauty ideals, even if such admiration is also an indicator that they are being seen as a sexual object (Liss et al. 2011).” p. 192
      7. “Indeed, women’s seemingly positive responses to sexual objectification represent a particularly insidious manifestation of the patriarchy (Calogero et al. 2009; Gervais et al. 2011; Gervais et al. 2018). Nowatzki and Morry (2009), for example, found that self-objectification predicted the extent to which women engaged in self- sexualizing behaviors such as wearing tight clothes or high heels. Likewise, self-objectification is also positively associated with self-reported enjoyment of sexualization (i.e., a positive or rewarding perception of appearance-based sex- ual attention from men) (Liss et al. 2011). Conceptually, enjoyment of sexualization should follow from self- objectification because women who engage in self- surveillance to ensure they are meeting cultural standards for attractiveness may find that men’s sexual admiration is validation of their self-monitoring. Despite the positive valence of enjoyment of sexualization, researchers have found many negative consequences associated with it. Ramsey et al. (2017), for example, found that those who enjoy sexualization reported more objectification from their partner and lowered relationship satisfaction. In addition, for women who self-objectify, negative eating attitudes were worse among those who reported enjoying sexualization (Liss et al. 2011).” p. 192
      8. “Self-objectification also contributes to body shame (Fredrickson and Roberts 1997; see Moradi and Huang 2008; Roberts et al. 2018). Body shame is the negative emotion that results when women evaluate their bodies against internalized cultural standards and fail to meet them because those standards are unattainable for most people (Fredrickson and Roberts 1997). Body shame is associated with negative psychological consequences that are common among women. For example, body shame mediates the relation between self-objectification and disordered eating (Noll and Fredrickson 1998; Schaefer et al. 2018). Carr and Szymanski (2011) also found body shame mediated the link between objectification and substance abuse.” p. 192 – 193 
      9. “With a focus group on self-sexualizing behavior, Smolak et al. (2014) found that in addition to wearing tight or fitted clothes, wearing lingerie, wearing perfume, and removing body hair, women reported drinking alcohol to feel more confident prior to entering sexually objectifying environments such as parties or clubs. The limited work connecting alcohol and sexualization suggests that women may consume alcohol to potentially increase positive affect related to sexualization. Indeed, models of drinking motivation suggest that alcohol can be used to enhance posi- tive emotions (Cooper 1994; Cox and Klinger 1988).” p. 193 
      10. “Conversely, models of drinking motivation also posit that alcohol can reduce negative internal or external states, such as those resulting from body shame. Carr and Szymanski (2011) suggest that drinking is a means for reducing excess stress connected to objectification-related body shame. Because body shame is associated with conformity to cultural norms of beauty (Moradi et al. 2005), we also expect body shame to be related to conformity with other cultural norms, such as norms about alcohol use. Thus, the reasons that women drink alcohol may differ depending on their positive or negative experiences related to sexual objectification.” p. 193
      11. “Negatively valenced drinking motives (coping and conformity) directly predicted drinking problems, unlike the positive motives, suggesting a more maladaptive pattern of drinking.” p. 193 
      12. “women’s sexual objectification experiences were connected to drinking more frequently and more heavily.” p. 197 

 

  1. Phaladze, N. , Tlou, S. (2006). Gender and HIV/AIDS in Botswana: A Focus on Inequalities and Discrimination. Taylor & Francis. Vol. 14, No. 1, 23-35 doi: 10.1080/13552070500518095
    1. Discusses impact of HIV in Botswana during the HIV and AIDS epidemic in Sub-Saharan Africa. Provides a detailed analysis on the factors that placed women at a higher risk of contracting HIV. Cultural factors such as the power imbalance of sex and the role of objectification in the societal perspective of sex, drastically impacted a woman’s sexual health in such a critical time period. Illustrating the lack of control a woman has over her body. 
      1. This is useful for this research because it helps to provide insights on things like cultural influence in STI rates in women. Helping to better understand the physical health effects of objectification on women. 
    2. Quotes 
      1. “ Most Batswana women become infected with HIV through unprotected vaginal intercourse. Women are more vulnerable than men to contracting HIV in this way. Research indicates that the risk of HIV infection is two to four times higher for women than men, because of the larger mucosal surface areas exposed to contact with infected fluids (Mutangadura 2000; UNAIDS 2002), and the greater viral concentration present in semen, as compared with vaginal secretions.” p. 24 
      2. “For men, it is easier to have early diagnosis and treatment of STIs, but for women most STIs are asymptomatic and women may be unaware that they need to seek health care.” p.25 
      3. “The biological differences in susceptibility to HIV of men and women are important, but these are overshadowed by the importance of the social and economic inequality between women and men. Inequality between men and women manifests itself, among other things, in unequal employment opportunities, unequal access to wealth, unfair division of labour in the household and generally unequal power relations. It also manifests itself in violence against women, including battery and rape (Botswana Human Development Report 2000). The following factors will now be discussed: age, economic dependency on men, cultural factors preventing women from negotiating safer sex, and health.” p. 25
      4. “Cultural factors also affect women’s likelihood of contracting HIV. Women do not often have the right to sexual and reproductive autonomy. The subordination of women to men creates a highly unfavourable environment for preventing HIV infection. Major  prevention strategies are abstinence, mutual fidelity and the use of the male condom, none of which are under women’s control.”  p. 26 – 27
      5. “Men’s role as the ‘senior partner’ in marriage means that they are the ones who control sexual decision-making, and social norms tolerate them having multiple sexual partners. A study by Palai et al. (1998) confirmed that the majority of Botswana men
      6. aged 15-19 are sexually active, and most of them have had or have more than one sexual partner. Men tend to think that it is acceptable to have extra-marital affairs, but they are not necessarily keen on using condoms and will use them only when they do not trust the other party, for example for casual sex. These behaviours are among the root causes of the growing AIDS epidemic and need urgent attention. What is also apparent is that even though men generally assume knowledgeable, aggressive and directive roles in sexual encounters with women, they lack the necessary information to make healthy and sensible choices. Palai et al. (ibid.) found that a significant number of Botswana men are still not aware that having another STD enhances the likelihood of HIV transmission. They prefer to consult traditional doctors or get treatment over the counter, and thus some of them may not be getting adequate treatment for STDs.” p. 26
      7. “Prevention programmes have traditionally neglected the role that heterosexual men have in the transmission of HIV. Even though men are the key stakeholders in policy decisions, they knowingly or unknowingly have excluded men as a target group from prevention programmes. (This is true more widely, also, for the whole health care delivery system.) This perpetuates men’s ignorance of HIV/AIDS, and other health information. Studies on the use of health services have repeatedly shown that women use  health services, thus gaining access to health information, while men remain uninformed on these matters. The exclusion of males has serious disadvantages for women, because they cannot initiate HIV/AIDS prevention strategies without their spouses’ or partners’ approval. The knowledge gained by women can only be useful if they are empowered enough to prevent and avoid risky sexual behaviours to prevent HIV/AIDS” p. 27 – 28 
      8. “A participant in a study expressed the frustration of many women who want to use condoms but are not allowed to by their husbands or partners: ‘When I showed my husband a condom and told him the doctor said we should use them, he was very upset and accused me of having sex with the doctor. I still have itching down there, but he has refused to use condoms with a woman he paid bogadi (bride wealth) for.’ ” p. 29
      9. “It is evident that Batswana boys and girls get most of their information about sex from friends, romance novels, movies and magazines.” p. 30
      10. “Parents are conspicuously absent in the sexual education of their children. Interviews (Tlou 1996) with mothers indicated that mothers feel that their culture forbids them to talk with their daughters about sex. While a few mothers do give their daughters instructions on menstruation and personal hygiene, most of them feel unable to broach any topic related to sex, other than the admonition to stay away from boys. Girls, in turn, feel embarrassed to discuss these matters with their mothers and rely on friends or older sisters. Boys receive even less instruction on how to make responsible sexual decisions. In fact, they reported being pressured by peers, and older brothers and cousins, to become sexually active, since having sex is an achievementand even a mark of male maturity.” p. 30